Is Libya’s Democracy Dead or Very Much Alive?

The recent violence in Libya’s second largest city, Ben Ghazi, which led to the death of American ambassador Chris Steven, rang many an alarm bell in Western capitals—not least of which Washington—whose interests were directly targeted. Does this tragic incident represent the death knell of Libya’s nascent democracy? Is this North African nation falling into hopeless chaos following in the footsteps of its south eastern African neighbor, Somalia? Will it all be interpreted by the international community as a hopeless process, leading them to throw-in the towel on its democratization?

I will hence argue that the answer to these three questions is a resounding no. Indeed while uncertainty persists regarding the details of the tragic incident, the undeniable certainty that has emerged is that rather counter-intuitively it has led to the speeding up of the Libyan democratization process, and for increased international community engagement.

With respect to the first question, far from showcasing a nation whose democracy is dying, the recent tragic incident actually presented one whose democratization process while slow is actually cementing itself on different fronts. Elections, an open press, freedom of demonstration, and the peaceful transition of governmental have all begun transpiring—all of which are fundamental cornerstones to a well-functioning democracy. Not held for almost six decades, elections were successfully organized and won by secular parties in direct opposition to an Islamic regional trend, lending credence to their impartiality. The results were generally accepted by the Libyan population, a congress was elected, and a Prime Minister was tasked with forming a cabinet. Once the attacks transpired, local and international press reported in real time with no censorship. Stories and complaints of roaming militias paralleled those of how some Libyans had aided the stricken ambassador out of the burning building and had tried to save his life. As soon as news of the American ambassador’s death emerged, an outpouring of support followed. Massive peace demonstrations took place all over Libya in honor of what many described as a stalwart supporter of the Libyan revolution. That it came from the Libyan people was proof to the world that it was genuine. And finally, when it comes to the peaceful transition of power, since Gaddafi’s fall, several cabinet reshuffles have occurred to garner the support and allay the fears of the different parts of the country, its tribes, as well as the militias. The latest occurred when the elected Libyan congress appointed Mustafa Abu Shagur as Prime Minister. Unable to form a cabinet over the summer, he was soon replaced with Ali Zidan. All the above tend to point to an emerging Libyan democracy not one, which is about to expire.

Of course some prefer to shed light on Libya’s chaotic post-revolutionary state, claiming that it seems to be following in the footsteps of Somalia. They point to the absence of government armed forces and the preponderance of roaming Libyan militias, which have not yet been disarmed. While this is true, most regional experts understand that some of these militias are currently essential to maintaining order while the government’s armed forces—decimated under Gaddafi’s police state—ramp up. But again the recent calamity seems to have led to a positive outcome as the Libyan head of state, Mohammed Magarief, immediately announced a round-up of many of the smaller and uncontrolled revolutionary militias. In parallel, the government began negotiating timelines with the larger ones for them to join the armed forces. Furthermore, an investigation into the killing was launched and soon followed up with arrests. These are all positive signs of a government trying to take back institutionalized control, not one which is disintegrating. Things are likely to get better as unlike Somalia, the government of Libya is fortunate in that it has oil resources to support its plans, appease the different groups, and deliver on the promise of a strong central government. What Libya needs to accomplish this is time.

And finally, in terms of the international community giving up on Libya, nothing seems to be further from the truth. Indicative of this fact was the United States’ response to the tragedy. Notwithstanding the fact it had lost four members of its diplomatic corps, its measured reaction balanced a strong will to get to the bottom of what happened with an understanding of the shortcomings of the Libyan transitional government. Both the United States and Europe seem cognizant of the difficulties the Libyan government is facing reconstructing its apparatus and institutions after forty years of dictatorship. Their support remains steadfast; and less than two weeks after the incident occurred, the Libyan Prime Minister was welcomed to the United Nations and invited to the Clinton Global Initiative with arms wide open. If anything, Libya’s struggle was garnering the international community’s sympathy and support, not criticism, and certainly not blame. This global support would have been unheard of a handful of months earlier under Gaddafi’s dictatorial regime when a violent incident such as this would surely have led to strong international retaliatory measures against the entire nation.

As tragically ironic as it may seem, Ambassador Steven’s death seems to have given impulse to Libya’s democracy as opposed to weakening it. The nation he was trying to help has shown itself to be as grateful for his support as it was sorrowful for his passing.  To be sure, Libya is not yet a full-fledged democracy; but facts do increasingly point to it being on the right track nonetheless. Democratization may be slow and messy; and there may be major bumps and incidents along the way. In Libya, it won’t be any different. In the meantime, all indications continue to point to the fact that the Libyan people want democracy; the fledgling Libyan government is working on making it a reality; and the international community is committed to its support. All this leads to the conclusion that Libya’s democracy is very much alive and kicking. If anything, this should go down as Ambassador Steven’s dying legacy.